One of the most striking examples of religious discourse used as a tool of political domination in early modern colonial history is the entry of French armies, under the command of Napoleon Bonaparte, into Egypt in 1798. In this campaign, Napoleon’s utmost aim was to weaken the British Eastern trade routes. But then, he had to confront Muslim communities first. He devised a means to penetrate these communities not through massacres, but through the soft power of religious discourse, as many colonial powers after him would also do.
When Napoleon Bonaparte landed in Alexandria on July 2, 1798, he distributed a proclamation in Arabic to the Egyptian people. The proclamation opened with the Bismillah and the Shahada. In his words, Napoleon presented himself as the saviour of the people. A part of it reads as follows:
“Peoples of Egypt, you will be told that I have come to destroy your religion; do not believe it! Answer that I have come to restore your rights and punish the usurpers, and that, more than the Mamluks, I respect God, his prophet and the Qur’an.”
Although there are some differences between the French and Arabic versions of the declaration, both were written to portray Napoleon in a good light. The French text, addressed to religious leaders, said, "Tell the people that we are friends of the true Muslims," while the Arabic text stated, "Tell them that the French are also Muslims." Both versions touched on eliminating the Pope, whom it says is an "enemy of Islam", while referencing the capture of Pope Pius VI by the French in 1798.
Power Vacuum in Egypt
By the end of the eighteenth century, the Ottoman Empire's de facto control over Egypt had significantly weakened. The Mamluk rulers had established a semi-autonomous regime in Cairo, formally recognising the central authority but prioritising their own political and economic interests. This situation was a significant factor facilitating French intervention.
By conquering Egypt, Napoleon aimed to weaken Britain's connection to India and establish a new French sphere of influence in the East. Egypt was therefore central to France's global competition with Britain. However, military superiority alone would not suffice; it was necessary to overcome local resistance and gain at least limited social acceptance. At this point, religious discourse became an important tool.
Napoleon's Religious Discourse
In the Arabic proclamations Napoleon issued as soon as he landed in Egypt, expressions such as "In the name of Allah," references to justice and oppression, and the phrase "friend of the Muslims" were specifically chosen. The French administration was trying to legitimise its occupation with Islamic concepts. This approach went so far that rumours even circulated in French circles that Napoleon sympathised with Islam or considered converting to it.
Of course, words alone were not enough to reinforce the discourse. To convince the people, it was necessary to first win over their own leaders. Napoleon was aware of this and maintained good relations with the Egyptian ulama. The French established a "Diwan" (council) and included leading ulama members on it. Figures like Sheikh al-Bakri were positioned as a bridge between the French administration and the Muslim population. While some scholars accepted cooperation for pragmatic reasons, others became active participants in French propaganda. Some participated in meetings with French officials and attended official ceremonies, but privately displayed a critical stance against the occupation.
Napoleon visited mosques in Cairo, attended religious ceremonies, and celebrated Islamic holidays. These symbolic performances were intended to publicly reinforce the French administration's claim of "respect for Islam." However, the vast majority of these rituals were performative in character; they appeared to be an outward show of respect but lacked genuine commitment.
The Egyptian historian and scholar Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti, in his work Ajaib al-Athar fi al-Tarajim wa al-Akhbar, harshly criticised the serious contradictions between French rhetoric and practice. He documented the linguistic errors made by the French in Arabic and their superficial use of Islamic concepts; he drew attention to the contrasts between the rhetoric of "respect for Islam" and tax pressure, military interventions, and policies of control.
Scientific Discourse and the Claim of "Civilisation"
One important aspect of Napoleon's Egyptian campaign was that he brought with him several scientists and researchers. French teams mapped Egypt, examined historical artefacts, and conducted extensive scientific studies. The resulting work, Description de l'Égypte, became one of the most important works of orientalist literature in Europe.
However, these scientific activities were not independent of politics. The French administration presented itself as a "modern," "civilised," and "progressive" power. Thus, religious discourse and scientific discourse became two different languages of legitimacy that complemented each other. Both served the same political goal of legitimising French control.
The Cairo Uprisings and the Collapse of the Discourse
Despite intense French propaganda efforts, their dominance over Egypt did not last long. On October 21, 1798, a major uprising broke out in Cairo. One of the centres of resistance was the area around Al-Azhar University, which had previously been raided by French soldiers. French troops brutally suppressed the uprising. In 1799, Napoleon left the army behind and returned to France; the failure at the Siege of Acre was a significant factor in this decision and had seriously damaged French prestige.
A second major uprising occurred in 1800. During this period, the public began to see much more clearly the difference between the French discourse of "respect for Islam" and their practices on the ground. Attacks against French troops continued in rural areas outside the cities. The propaganda gradually lost its effectiveness.
The Ottoman Counter-Discourse
The Ottoman Empire under Selim III viewed the French intervention in Egypt as a threat to both its political sovereignty and its position in the Islamic world. The Ottoman administration, invoking the religious legitimacy of the caliphate, called for resistance against the French. The Ottomans also used religious language as a tool for political mobilisation. Arabic and Turkish proclamations exposing the irreligion of the Napoleonic regime were distributed.
However, the Ottoman discourse rested on a fundamentally different foundation. While the Ottoman Sultan was a religious and political authority recognised across the Islamic world, Napoleon was a military leader from outside. As a result of the military struggle waged through the Ottoman-British alliance, the French gradually weakened. Finally, in 1801, the French army was forced to withdraw from Egypt. Napoleon's grand project in the East thus came to an abrupt end.
Has the Language of Occupation Changed?
Napoleon's Egyptian campaign evokes the idea that today, great powers legitimise their military interventions with cultural, moral, or humanitarian discourses. The rhetoric of "democracy" in Iraq, "women's rights" in Afghanistan, "protecting civilians" in Libya, and "protecting Christians" in Nigeria are modern examples of this. Foreign powers constantly reproduce this saviour narrative.
Ultimately, an occupier, no matter how eloquent their words or how much they pretend to respect local culture and religion, is still an occupier. Legitimacy is not gained through force and propaganda, but through genuine respect, justice, and the consent of the local people. Napoleon learned this in 1801. When will today's powers learn the same?
*The views expressed in this content are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of İdrakpost.
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