From the beginning to the success of the Syrian revolution,  one of those names that have grabbed the world’s attention, and surface repeatedly in news headlines, is the “Druze”. For many, it was a name heard but not truly known. Who are they? Why are they relevant now? And how have they positioned themselves historically, religiously, socially, and politically? To understand the Druze today, we must go back to the beginning.

The Identity and Emergence of the Druze

The Druze are an Arab religious group known as much for their tight-knit social structure as well as esoteric nature. Numbering around 1.5 million globally today, they’re scattered across Syria (Damascus, Jabal al-Hakuran, Suwayda), Lebanon (Jabal Lebanon and Shu), Palestine, and diaspora communities in Europe, the Americas, and Africa.

Their roots go back to the Fatimid era and the enigmatic rule of al-Ḥākim bi-Amr Allāh (996–1021). While a figure named Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl al-Darazī is often credited with spreading the Druze doctrine; however, the Druze themselves reject this association. Instead, they trace their identity to the concept of darz al-dimāgh—trust in reason.

The real architect of the Druze faith was Ḥamza b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Zūznī, who penned the movement’s foundational Rasāʾil al-Ḥikma (Treatises of Wisdom). With fellow pioneers like Ḥusayn ibn Ḥaydara al-Farghānī and Bahāʾ al-Dīn al-Samūqī, the movement took shape between 1017 and 1020. By 1043, the Druze shut the door on conversions entirely. Since then, Druze identity has remained strictly hereditary.

Their Belief System

The Druze call themselves al-Muwahhidūn (the Unitarians) or Banu Ma‘rūf. Their beliefs have been influenced by Ismaili teachings and esoteric philosophies. They hold that God is absolutely one, beyond the reach of human comprehension. The Qur’an, for them, is read with layers of hidden meanings—esoteric truths preserved in Ḥamza b. ʿAlī’s Treatises of Wisdom. The salient features of their belief system are as follows:

• Taqiyya: Secrecy is non-negotiable; study of doctrine begins only after age 40.
• Reincarnation: The soul passes into another body after death.
• Strict marriage rules: Polygamy is rejected, and marrying outside the Druze faith is prohibited.
• Symbolic moustaches: Religious leaders wear thick moustaches as signs of piety.

Social Structure

The Druze are deeply hierarchical, divided into three social tiers:

• Uqqāl: Clerics and guardians of secret knowledge. They manage the places of worship known as khalwa.
• Ajāwīd: They do not possess the same depth of knowledge as the uqqāl, but are bound by religious rules.
• ʿAwām: Lay members, excluded from inner rituals except during special occasions such as Eid al-Adha.

The Druze in Historical Context

Following the disappearance of al-Ḥākim bi-Amr Allāh in 1021, the Druze faced immediate persecution for refusing the caliphate of his son Zāhir, believing instead that Hakim would return to fill the world with justice. They were thus driven into the mountainous regions of Lebanon and Syria, where they carved out an independence that has defined their political posture ever since.

During the Crusades (1099–1291), their strategy was always between neutrality and alliances of convenience. Especially as some Druze leaders in the Shuf Mountains allied with Crusader powers to help preserve autonomy. After the Battle of Ayn Jalut (1260), when the Mamluks rose, the Druze quickly pledged allegiance and even aided in key victories like the recapture of Sidon and Tyre. A similar story played out during the Mongol invasions: brief flirtations with neutrality or cooperation, followed by a return to Mamluk ranks after the dust settled.

Under Ottoman rule, they found a different kind of footing. The feudal Maan, Canbolat, and Shihab dynasties dominated Druze leadership both politically and militarily. One figure, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Maʿnī (1572–1635), went as far as aligning with European powers like the Duchy of Tuscany and the Maronites of Mount Lebanon to push back against Ottoman control. His legacy laid the historical foundation for Druze-Western relations.

Pattern of Alliances in History

History tells us the Druze have often allied based on survival rather than sentiment:

• With the Crusaders: Some families in the mountainous regions where Islamic authority was weak offered support in return for peace.
• With the Mongols: Short-lived cooperation, later abandoned after the Mamluk’s victory.
• With the Mamluks: A strategic and lasting alliance.
• With the French: Tensions escalated after the 1860 massacres in Lebanon, and by the 20th century, Druze forces, led by Sultan Pasha al-Atrash, spearheaded the Great Syrian Revolt (1925–1927)  against the French Mandate.

The Druze in Modern Politics

Modern Druze politics remain divided. In Syria, Sultan al-Atrash became a national hero for leading the anti-French resistance. In Lebanon, Kamal Canbolat’s leadership of the Lebanese National Movement during the civil war (1975–1990) made him a powerful figure—until his assassination in 1977, after which his son Walid took over. Today, Syrian Druze are split: some back the regime (like Talal Arslan), others support the opposition (like Walid Canbolat), while a third group, the Mashāyikh al-Karāmah, led by Sheikh Wahid al-Balaus, has charted an independent course, rejecting conscription and demanding protection for Suwayda.

Druze in the Palestinian Territories

About 150,000 Druze live in northern Palestine and the Golan Heights. Since Israel’s founding, this community has stood apart from other Arabs by cooperating with the Jewish forces and fighting alongside Israel in the 1948 war. They are the only Arab community subject to compulsory military service in the Israeli army, and they also participate in border security and diplomatic duties.

Despite decades of loyalty, in 2018, after the passing of the Jewish Nation-State Law, they were reduced to second-class citizens. Thus, the law was met with opposition by the Druze.

Far From Home

Decades of conflict have scattered the Druze around the globe. Roughly 100,000 now live in the U.S., Canada, Australia, and Latin America.

Druze Flag

The Druze flag consists of five colours: green, red, yellow, blue, and white. Each colour symbolises one of the fundamental principles of the Druze faith: green (universal intellect and purity), red (spirit and spiritual power), yellow (word/divine truths), blue (priority/divine will), and white (attaining truth and following the right path). This flag, a symbol of Druze identity since the Middle Ages, is used in Druze regions in Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine, as well as in the diaspora, as a sign of both religious and social belonging.

What History Teaches

With tensions rising again in Suwayda, and Israeli influence casting a long shadow, it’s clear that some Druze groups have played double games, sometimes exploited as pawns in wider regional conflicts. From a religious standpoint, many Islamic scholars argue the Druze faith is a closed doctrine; you’re born into it, you don’t convert in or out. As such, they are not classified as Muslims. Still, Islam insists that their rights be protected, so long as they don’t side with enemies.

Therefore, it is essential for members of this community to reflect on the lessons of history and to act in ways that uphold the dignity and cohesion of the region. History has remembered figures of great integrity, such as Sultan Pasha al-Atrash, who led the Syrian Great Revolution against French occupation, and Walid Jumblatt, a prominent leader of the Druze in Lebanon. At the same time, history has also recorded individuals whose actions are widely viewed as betrayals of their people and homeland. Some of these examples remain visible today, such as Hikmat al-Hijri, a name that continues to stir controversy and debate. As ever, history will pass its judgment.

In light of this, it would be both unfair and simplistic to make sweeping generalisations about the Druze community as a whole. A clear distinction must be made between the choices of certain individuals or factions and the broader values, heritage, and historical experiences of the community itself.

*The views expressed in this content are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of İdrakpost.